SOLDIER OF FORTUNE MAGAZINE PDF PROFESSIONAL
Some of these studies have suggested that the greater emphasis on violent roles, such as “hit men” or “enforcers,” in professional sport (Smith, 1983), and “stimulus cues” like equipment can be interpreted as tactical weapons used to provoke violence (Coakley, 1995). Sometimes referred to as the “enhancement” or “sport as cause” model, Culture Pattern theories also focus on the ways in which the structural components of sports involvement may induce aggressive or violent behavior in participants, spectators, or the general public (Hughes and Coakley, 1978). Other studies have suggested a relationship between the societal acceptance of aggression and the existence of warfare (McNeil, 1961 Chappie, 1970). Where social institutions like the government and the media promote or glorify war, warlike or aggressive qualities will more likely be learned by the members of the society (Andreski, 1968). By contrast, the Culture Pattern model argues that learned, rather than instinctive, behavior explains cultural patterns, i.e., that aggressive behavior is learned and shows up in consistent patterns across the various dimensions of a society’s culture (Sipes, 1976). The discharge or cathartic function of sport has also been seen in terms of “militant” energy or “enthusiasm,” ultimately defining sports and war as functional equivalents of, or alternatives to, one another (Coakley, 1990 Tiger, 1969). The Drive Discharge model proposes that aggression and warfare are basic human drives or instincts. Richard Sipes provides a useful framework for this debate by contrasting “Drive Discharge” and “Culture Pattern” models of war, sports, and aggression.
The debate has also focused on the nature of warlike sports, and the militaristic culture of a society. The research and debate on sports violence has centered on whether the violence in sporting events serves as a cure or cause of aggressive or violent behavior in participators and spectators. The final 19% of the players (15) were liberal arts majors. More than half of the NU players were business majors (administration, management, finance, accounting, and marketing), and 29% (24) were engineering majors. From the sample, 87% (71) of the players were males and 13% (11) were females. In the two Northeastern games, 46 players (out of 52) answered questionnaires, and in the second game, 36 (out of 41) did the same ( N = 82). While quantitative data were collected, the analysis relies more on the qualitative information provided by players, especially in their comments and written remarks about their experiences of playing the game. Methodology included participant observation, field interviews, questionnaires, and videotaping. The data for this analysis were gathered from several studies of Survival Game play from 1989 to 1992, with two outings involving Northeastern University (NU) (Boston) college students who volunteered to participate in the project as part of a course on the sociology of sport.
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